{"id":36717,"date":"2026-01-08T23:08:59","date_gmt":"2026-01-08T23:08:59","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/sabado100.com.ar\/es-ar\/?p=36717"},"modified":"2026-01-08T23:09:00","modified_gmt":"2026-01-08T23:09:00","slug":"el-mundo-sin-arbitro-y-como-reinventarlo","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/sabado100.com.ar\/es-ar\/el-mundo-sin-arbitro-y-como-reinventarlo\/","title":{"rendered":"El mundo sin \u00e1rbitro (y c\u00f3mo reinventarlo)"},"content":{"rendered":"\n

Por Eduardo Reina<\/a>.-<\/strong> Durante d\u00e9cadas, el orden global descans\u00f3 sobre una arquitectura institucional clara: la Organizaci\u00f3n de las Naciones Unidas (ONU), el\u00a0Fondo Monetario Internacional (FMI)<\/strong><\/a>, el Banco Mundial y un enjambre de organismos t\u00e9cnicos que fueron pensados como \u00e1rbitros del sistema internacional. Su funci\u00f3n era ordenar conflictos, estabilizar econom\u00edas, fijar reglas comunes y evitar que la pol\u00edtica de fuerza reemplazara al derecho.\u00a0Ese mundo ya no existe<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Hoy, el caso Venezuela<\/strong> lo expone sin matices: las decisiones clave no se procesan en organismos multilaterales, sino en relaciones directas entre Estados<\/strong>. Sanciones, reconocimientos, negociaciones energ\u00e9ticas y alineamientos estrat\u00e9gicos se definen de manera bilateral o en acuerdos informales entre potencias. Las organizaciones observan, emiten comunicados, convocan sesiones extraordinarias\u2026 y quedan al margen de los hechos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

No es una anomal\u00eda: es la nueva normalidad<\/strong>. Mucho diagn\u00f3stico, papers y recomendaciones, pero poca autoridad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

El sistema cruje por la debilidad de ejecuci\u00f3n de la ONU y sus agencias<\/strong>. Los 193 Estados miembros que componen la Asamblea General de la ONU aprobaron un presupuesto de 3.590 millones de d\u00f3lares para cubrir los gastos de la Secretar\u00eda de la ONU en 2024. La Organizaci\u00f3n Mundial de la Salud (OMS) cuenta con 6.800 millones de d\u00f3lares; la UNESCO, con 1.800 millones. Todos producen informes de enorme calidad t\u00e9cnica. El inconveniente es que nadie est\u00e1 obligado a obedecerlos<\/strong> y, cada d\u00eda m\u00e1s, los pa\u00edses se niegan a aportar para investigaciones. Recordemos que el gobierno de Javier Milei<\/strong> anunci\u00f3 la salida de la OMS, lo que implica dejar de aportar econ\u00f3micamente y participar activamente en ese organismo.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Alicia Castro: \u201cDelcy Rodr\u00edguez no es colaboracionista de EE. UU.\u201d<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

La pandemia<\/strong><\/a> nos ense\u00f1\u00f3 brutalmente que la OMS recomendaba y los Estados decid\u00edan solos. La Organizaci\u00f3n Internacional del Trabajo (OIT) denuncia precarizaci\u00f3n laboral mientras la econom\u00eda informal y las plataformas digitales avanzan sin regulaci\u00f3n efectiva. La UNESCO formula marcos culturales y educativos que raramente se traducen en pol\u00edticas p\u00fablicas reales. El multilateralismo informa, pero ya no manda<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

En el plano financiero, la p\u00e9rdida de credibilidad es a\u00fan m\u00e1s sensible. El FMI y el Banco Mundial conservan poder operativo, pero su legitimidad est\u00e1 erosionada<\/strong>. El caso argentino es paradigm\u00e1tico: el mayor pr\u00e9stamo de la historia del FMI no respondi\u00f3 a un an\u00e1lisis t\u00e9cnico aut\u00f3nomo, sino a una decisi\u00f3n geopol\u00edtica impulsada por Estados Unidos. No fue ayuda desinteresada; fue estrategia de poder.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

La Organizaci\u00f3n Mundial del Comercio (OMC) intenta arbitrar reglas comerciales mientras las grandes potencias aplican proteccionismo selectivo. La Organizaci\u00f3n para la Cooperaci\u00f3n y el Desarrollo Econ\u00f3micos produce est\u00e1ndares y rankings que influyen m\u00e1s en discursos que en decisiones soberanas.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

La Organizaci\u00f3n del Tratado del Atl\u00e1ntico Norte (OTAN) conserva capacidad de acci\u00f3n, pero confirma el problema: act\u00faa cuando hay alineamiento pol\u00edtico, no por mandato universal<\/strong>. No es un \u00e1rbitro global; es una alianza de intereses.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Venezuela anuncia la liberaci\u00f3n de un \u201cn\u00famero importante\u201d de presos pol\u00edticos nacionales y extranjeros<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

El sistema multilateral moviliza decenas de miles de millones de d\u00f3lares anuales en estructuras administrativas, agencias, sedes y cumbres. El problema no es el monto en s\u00ed, sino la brecha entre costo y efectividad.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Venezuela es la radiograf\u00eda de un orden internacional agotado. Las relaciones se juegan hoy en la diplomacia directa, la energ\u00eda, la seguridad y los recursos. Las organizaciones acompa\u00f1an desde la tribuna.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

La pol\u00edtica mundial deber\u00eda revisar y reformular estos organismos para el siglo XXI. No abolirlos, sino reducirlos, redefinirlos y devolverles sentido. El multilateralismo del futuro no puede ser una burocracia del siglo XX con lenguaje inclusivo y PDFs brillantes. Necesita transformaciones profundas<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fusionar estructuras redundantes y concentrar. Sin consecuencias, no hay autoridad<\/strong>. Presupuestos ligados a resultados verificables, no a la antig\u00fcedad institucional ni a equilibrios pol\u00edticos internos.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Diosdado Cabello le dijo \u00abjalabolas\u00bb a Javier Milei y lanz\u00f3 duras acusaciones contra Estados Unidos<\/a><\/p>\n\n\n\n

Estos organismos no deben \u201cdar lecciones\u201d, sino resolver problemas concretos: salud, deuda, alimentos, migraciones y clima. Aceptar el mundo real: el poder es multipolar, los Estados deciden y el multilateralismo solo sobrevivir\u00e1 si agrega valor pr\u00e1ctico a esas decisiones.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Recordemos que, desde su creaci\u00f3n, se dec\u00eda: \u201cdonde no alcanzaba la diplomacia bilateral, deb\u00eda llegar la institucionalidad\u201d. El mundo cambi\u00f3 de velocidad; las organizaciones se quedaron en el protocolo. Y sin poder de ejecuci\u00f3n, el multilateralismo se convierte en relato<\/strong>.<\/p>\n\n\n\n

LB \/ EM<\/p>\n\n\n\n

Fuente:<\/strong> https:\/\/www.perfil.com\/<\/a> El autor es analista politico, consultor especializado en Comunicaci\u00f3n Institucional y Pol\u00edtica, doctorando en Comunicaci\u00f3n (Universidad Catolica Argentina), magister en Comunicaci\u00f3n y Marketing Pol\u00edtico en la Universidad del Salvador. Postgraduate Business and Management por la Universidad de California Ext. Berkeley, EE.UU. profesor Protitular en UCA.\u00a0@ossoreina<\/a><\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

La crisis venezolana expone un escenario internacional donde los organismos multilaterales pierden poder real, mientras las decisiones clave se toman por fuera de las instituciones que alguna vez ordenaron el sistema global.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":36718,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"site-sidebar-layout":"default","site-content-layout":"","ast-site-content-layout":"default","site-content-style":"default","site-sidebar-style":"default","ast-global-header-display":"","ast-banner-title-visibility":"","ast-main-header-display":"","ast-hfb-above-header-display":"","ast-hfb-below-header-display":"","ast-hfb-mobile-header-display":"","site-post-title":"","ast-breadcrumbs-content":"","ast-featured-img":"","footer-sml-layout":"","ast-disable-related-posts":"","theme-transparent-header-meta":"","adv-header-id-meta":"","stick-header-meta":"","header-above-stick-meta":"","header-main-stick-meta":"","header-below-stick-meta":"","astra-migrate-meta-layouts":"default","ast-page-background-enabled":"default","ast-page-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-4)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"ast-content-background-meta":{"desktop":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"tablet":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""},"mobile":{"background-color":"var(--ast-global-color-5)","background-image":"","background-repeat":"repeat","background-position":"center center","background-size":"auto","background-attachment":"scroll","background-type":"","background-media":"","overlay-type":"","overlay-color":"","overlay-opacity":"","overlay-gradient":""}},"footnotes":""},"categories":[5],"tags":[8472],"class_list":["post-36717","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-politica","tag-el-mundo-sin-arbitro-y-como-reinventarlo"],"yoast_head":"\nEl mundo sin \u00e1rbitro (y c\u00f3mo reinventarlo) - 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